Saturday, May 20, 2017

Mideast Week in Review

  • Trump/Erdogan Meeting
  • US Airstrikes in Syria
  • Iran Presidential Election
  • Trump Saudi Visit
  • Egypt/Sudan Squabble

    by Michael Isenberg

    Trump/Erdogan Meeting: President Trump met with Turkish President Recep Erdogan in the White House on Tuesday. Trump was criticized for the warm welcome he gave Erdogan, despite the Turkish premier’s increasingly authoritarian rule. A letter from a bipartisan group of seventeen senators, including Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Robert Menendez (D-NJ), stated “Erdogan and his allies have mounted an assault on the rule of law, particularly using sweeping state of emergency authorities to stifle fundamental rights including free speech, undermine the independence of the judiciary, and quash any opposition to their undemocratic actions.” They urged the president "to make support for Turkish democracy a priority, both in your meetings with Erdogan this week and in U.S. policy toward Turkey thereafter." But at least as far as his public remarks were concerned, Mr. Trump declined to do so. He said instead that his talks with Mr. Erdogan would focus on trade and the fight against terrorism.

    The visit was marred by violence at the Turkish Embassy between anti-Erdogan protesters and Mr. Erdogan’s security detail. At least one protester was “seriously injured,” prompting Sen. John McCain (R-AZ) to tell MSNBC’s Morning Joe, “We should throw their ambassador the hell out of the United States of America.”

    Read more—

  • Trump welcomes Erdogan amid US-Turkey strains (CNN)
  • Lawmakers demand swift action for Turkish Embassy violence (Washington Post)

     

    Syria: US air forces attacked Syrian government troops on Thursday to prevent them from moving toward rebels allied with the US, along with some US advisers, near the Jordanian border. Although the strike is “believed to be the first targeting Syrian personnel,” a Pentagon official assured the Associated Press, “There is no change in policy.”

    Separately, in Geneva, peace talks resumed. President Assad, who continued to advance militarily with the evacuation of rebel forces from the Qaboun district of Damascus, called the talks “irrelevant.”

    Read more—

  • US air strikes pound pro-Assad forces in Syria (Fox)
  • Syria war: Peace talks restart in Geneva (BBC)
  • Syria war: Rebels evacuated from Damascus stronghold (BBC)

     

    Iran Elections: About 70% of voters turned out to cast their ballots for president on Friday. In what he called a rejection of “extremism and violence,” incumbent Hasan Rouhani easily beat hardliner Ibrahim Raisi, 57% to 39%, with other candidates splitting the remainder. Rouhani’s campaign was marked by extensive use of social media, including an Instagram photo of the candidate with rather unislamically dressed women that appealed to the young and the hip, and trolling of Raisi by Rouhani supporters. Rouhani was considered the moderate in the race. Granted, "moderate" is a relative term. The election was a referendum on his efforts to expand diplomatic and economic ties with the West, which Raisi opposed.

    Read more—

  • Iran election: Hassan Rouhani says voters rejected extremism (BBC)
  • Iran's Instagram election sees rivals battle on social media (BBC)
  • After the presidential elections, will Iran still welcome trade with the West? (BBC)

     

    Trump visit to Saudi Arabia: Mr. Trump arrived in Saudi Arabia on Saturday, the first stop on his first foreign tour as president. Trump has already signed $350B worth of deals with Saudi Arabia, including a $110B arms deal, and is expected to deliver a speech on “hopes for a peaceful vision of Islam.” It remains to be seen how that will be received by the Saudi people, but there’s no doubt Ivanka is a hit. #Bint_Trump (Trump's daughter) is trending big as legions of Saudi men fall in love with the First Daughter.

    Read more—

  • Trump in Saudi Arabia: First foreign trip starts as home troubles mount (BBC)
  • The Muslim Tweet: Daughter of Trump (Mike Isenberg)

     

    Egypt/Sudan Tiff: In a March visit to Sudan, Sheikha Moza of Qatar referred to the country as “the mother of the world.” This led to a squabble between Sudan and Egypt, which claims that title for itself. Soon Angelina Jolie and the British ambassador became involved. An Egyptian talk show host ridiculed Sudan’s pyramids, claiming they look like cheese triangles.

    Read more—

  • The Qatari princess, Angelina Jolie and the battle of the pyramids (BBC)

     

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern, exposing Islamists and supporting reformers. His forthcoming novel, The Thread of Reason, is a murder mystery that takes place in Baghdad in the year 1092 and depicts the battle for the Muslim soul between those who embraced science and tolerance, and those who threw in their lot with mysticism and persecution instead.

    Photo credits: CNN, Instagram

  • The Muslim Tweet: Daughter of Trump

    Donald Trump has arrived in Saudi Arabia, the first stop on his first foreign tour as president, and Twitter is atweet. But as @r_2iiiii has observed, with lots of thumbs down and tears,

    Indeed, Ivanka has taken the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by storm, and #Bint_Trump (Trump’s daughter) is trending big. Number One hashtag in the world for a while. Some of those tweeting are merely in love:

    A second group is making fun of the first group:

    I confess I had some trouble with the translation on this next one. Something about traveling fifty cubits into your valley. It might be obscene.

    Others speculate about what the president is saying to his daughter:

    Whenever something fun is going on, there are always those who disapprove. Some of these are predictably apocalyptic:

    Others are concerned that it plays into the hands of those who promulgate negative stereotypes about Arab men:

    Finally, we seem to have the Middle Eastern equivalent of Batman slapping Robin:

    Of course, Arabs are tweeting about aspects of Trump's visit other than Ivanka. The BBC collected some of the tweets in an article titled 'Trump, servant of God': How Saudis are viewing his visit.

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern. His forthcoming novel, The Thread of Reason, is a murder mystery that takes place in Baghdad in the year 1092 and depicts the battle for the Muslim soul between those who embrace science and tolerance on the one hand, and those who throw in their lot with mysticism and persecution on the other.

    Monday, April 24, 2017

    Ambassador Morgenthau and the Armenian Genocide

    A horrible story, but it's important that we remember it.

    As the top American official in Turkey during the early years of World War I, Henry Morgenthau, Sr. received hourly reports from all over the country of the Armenian Genocide. In this video, I read Morgenthau's account of the tragedy from his 1918 book, Ambassador Morgenthau's Story.

    Warning: contains graphic descriptions and images of torture and genocide.

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern, exposing Islamists and supporting reformers. His forthcoming novel, The Thread of Reason, is a murder mystery that takes place in Baghdad in the year 1092 and depicts the battle for the Muslim soul between those who embraced science and tolerance, and those who threw in their lot with mysticism and persecution instead.

    Saturday, July 16, 2016

    The Real Problem with Erdogan

    Last night saw a coup attempt in Turkey. Seeking to overthrow the government of President Recip Erdogan, a military faction positioned tanks around the Istanbul airport, closed bridges, buzzed Ankara in airplanes, and attempted to take over TV stations. It was quickly quashed. As of now, nearly 3,000 soldiers are under arrest following fighting that killed some 200 people. Prime Minister Yildirim says the situation is “completely under control.” President Erdogan promises that the insurgents “will pay a heavy price.”

    Not a lot is known yet about the insurgents. Conventional wisdom has it that their cause is one of secularism against Islamism. An analysis by the BBC's Middle East Editor, Jeremy Bowen, is typical. In a sidebar titled "Why did coup happen?," Mr. Bowen writes that Erdogan “is a political Islamist who has rejected modern Turkey's secular heritage.” It’s a heritage that Turkey—and the Turkish military—take extremely seriously, dating back to the 1920s and Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Turkish Republic.

    It’s true that Erdogan has Islamist roots. He came up through the ranks in the Welfare Party, which was banned by Turkey’s Constitutional Court in 1998 for its opposition to the nation’s secular charter. The following year, Erdogan was jailed for reciting an Islamist poem.

    In spite of his early history, Erdogan has not been that much of an Islamist since he's been in power. The controversies that have characterized his eleven years as prime minister and two years as president have little to do with religion.

    No, the real problem with Erdogan is not Islamism, but rather, in the words of Mr. Bowen, “Mr. Erdogan has become increasingly authoritarian and is trying to turn himself into a strong executive president.”

    Examples abound of attacks on freedom of the press and separation of powers:

  • According to one report, over 1,800 journalists have lost their jobs under the AKP government.
  • In 2014, Twitter and YouTube were blocked in Turkey for two months.
  • This year, thirty “Academics for Peace,” who had signed a petition critical of military operations against the Kurds, were briefly jailed.
  • Traditionally, the President of Turkey is a figurehead, expected to be neutral in political matters. However, Erdogan has been actively involved in Parliamentary elections.
  • Most serious of all, there have been purges of the judiciary and subsequent packing of the bench with AKP supporters. The failure of the coup has given Erdogan an excuse to crack down on the independence of the judiciary even further. The BBC reports that 2,800 judges were fired today in the wake of the coup attempt.

    I would be remiss if I didn't address some counter-examples, so here goes: Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (known by its Turkish initials AKP) has twice been dragged in front of the Constitutional Court in attempts to shut it down for infringing on the separation of mosque and state. But both attempts failed. It's also been alleged that Erdogan provided support to Islamic State; that charge hasn't stuck either. In fact, one of his accusers, US Vice President Joe Biden, ended up having to apologize. If any support did occur, it was probably more about opposing Assad than supporting Islamism. And although there have been restrictions placed on the sale and advertising of alcohol, they aren't that different from what exists in the United States.

    All-in-all, Erdogan more closely resembles a strongman in the mold of Vladimir Putin than an Islamist like Muhammad Morsi. Some of my anti-Islamist friends will no doubt say that he’s playing his cards close to his chest, and he plans to implement a theocracy just as soon as he has consolidated enough power to get away with it. They might be right. But Erdogan’s not really a close-to-his-chest type. He’s more a shoot-from-the-hip, Donald Trump type, with a history of outrageous statements comparing Israelis to Nazis or telling female journalists, “know your place.”

    In any case, regardless of whether there's a master plan for theocracy, I hope, for the sake of the Turkish people, that Mr. Erdogan never becomes powerful enough to implement one. Unfortunately, the failure of last night's coup will make the continuing concentration of power in Mr. Erdogan's hands that much harder to prevent.

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern. For his take on the roots of Islamism, see his talk The Islamic in Islamic State on YouTube.

  • Sunday, July 10, 2016

    They don't hate us for our freedom

    Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World through Islamic Eyes by Tamim Ansary
    Book Review by Michael Isenberg

    I wasn't sure what I was getting into when I opened the cover of Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World through Islamic Eyes. I was concerned it might be one of those rants, so common on the Left side of the political aisle, about how, from the Crusades to the invasion of Iraq, all the problems of the Middle East were the West’s fault. So I was pleasantly surprised to find something else instead.

    In Destiny Disrupted, author Tamim Ansary provides the view through Islamic eyes in two senses. The first is geographical. In contrast to most histories of the “world,” which revolve around events in Europe, Destiny Disrupted revolves around events between the Indus and Nile rivers, a region which to Muslims was the world. He doesn’t say much about events in Europe prior to the eleventh century, when contact between Europe and the Muslim world became more common.

    The second sense in which the book peers through Muslim eyes is narrative. If there were a narrative to Western Civilization, it would be something like the story of how freedom and science overcame tyranny and superstition. In contrast, to Muslims, “the underlying force of world history was the quest to perfect and universalize the Muslim community.” The key words here are universalize and community. Muslims believe that it is their destiny to be the world’s one, universal religion. The term jihad, for example, should be interpreted through this lens. It really was, through most of Muslim history, literal warfare against non-Muslims, to push out the borders of the House of Islam. The notion that it is some internal struggle to be a better person came later. And since Islam is a community, threats to its unity must be eradicated. Islamists don’t seek to separate the sexes in order to oppress women. Their concern is that sexual decadence will “disrupt social harmony.”

    Obviously some caveats are in order here. Mr. Ansary can identify some recurring themes in mainstream Muslim thinking, but he cannot possibly speak for all Muslims. Still, it is easy to see that the early years of Islam, during which Muslims won battle after battle, can be understood in terms of this narrative. The subsequent destruction of large parts of the Muslim world by the Mongols, followed by centuries of falling behind the West technologically and militarily are more problematic for Muslim thinkers: hence, Muslim destiny is “disrupted.”

    Understanding the competing narratives is crucial to understanding the motivation of jihadists, which in turn is essential to defeating them. In the wake of the September 11 attacks, it was common in the West to hear, “They hate us for our freedom.” Ansary argues that this fails to grasp the issue, because it fails to grasp the competing narrative. “One side charges, ‘You are decadent,’” he write. “The other side retorts, ‘We are free.’ These are not opposing contentions; they’re non-sequiturs.”

    In describing conflicts between Muslim and non-Muslim peoples, Ansary is fair—mostly. He points out, quite rightly, that the Crusades had little impact on the Muslim world beyond Palestine and Syria. As for more modern conflagrations, the coverage of the Arab-Israeli wars is remarkably even-handed; the coverage of the Lebanese civil war and the fall of Mossadegh not so much. While Ansary is justifiably proud of the accomplishments of Muslim civilization, he does not sugarcoat or hold back when he feels criticism is warranted. For example, many have called the 11th century scholar Abu Hamid Ghazali, who wrote a devastating attack on science, the greatest Muslim after Muhammad. But Ansary doesn’t hesitate to say that he thinks Ghazali was wrong. His “argument against causality undermines the whole scientific enterprise.” Nor does Ansary have sympathy for those Islamists whose solution to Islam’s disrupted destiny is a return to the seventh century. “A trap,” he calls it.

    The style of the book is breezy, with many informal phrases and anachronistic metaphors. For example, he tells us that Abbas, the brutal founder of the Abbasid dynasty, "went by a new title, al-Saffah, which means 'the slaughterer.' Apparently he took some pride in what he had done." The great Nizamiyyah university in Baghdad is described as "the Yale of the medieval Islamic world." You may find this approach jarring, or you may find it readable and enlightening, depending on your taste.

    The one criticism I had was that the footnotes are a bit sketchy. This makes it impossible to further investigate discoveries that I had not encountered elsewhere in my reading about Islamic history.

    There are many such discoveries in Destiny Disrupted to interest someone who already has a good grounding in Islam. Nevertheless, the book is an excellent starting point for anyone who wants to learn the basics, and at the same time, gain some insight into the way Muslims view the history of the world.

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern. For his own take on the themes of Muslim history, see his talk The Islamic in Islamic State on YouTube.

    Thursday, April 7, 2016

    Hirsi Ali: "Islam is not a Religion of Peace"

    Heretic: Why Islam Needs a Reformation Now by Ayaan Hirsi Ali
    Book Review by Michael Isenberg

    Heretic by Ayaan Hirsi Ali From Brussels, to Paris, to San Bernardino, whenever Islamic terror strikes, our left-of-center friends hasten to remind us not to judge Islam by the acts of a few radicals. “Islam is a religion of peace,” they assure us. Terrorists act out, they say, not because of anything in the Quran, but because of poverty, or global warming, or because the CIA played a role in overthrowing a “democratically elected” Iranian communist—sixty years ago.

    Ayaan Hirsi Ali has a reply to our left-of-center friends, and she states it in no uncertain terms on page two of her book Heretic: Why Islam Needs a Reformation Now:

    [I]t is foolish to insist, as our leaders habitually do, that the violent acts of radical Islamists can be divorced from the religious ideals that inspire them. Instead we must acknowledge that they are driven by a political ideology, an ideology embedded in Islam itself, in the holy book of the Qur’an as well as the life and teachings of the Prophet Muhammad contained in the hadith.

    Let me make my point in the simplest possible terms: Islam is not a religion of peace.

    Miss Hirsi Ali is well-qualified to offer insight into the minds of Islamists. She was once one of them—before she became their target.

    She has told her story in detail in her earlier books, Infidel and Nomad, but it bears repeating and Heretic includes a brief summary. Born in Somalia and raised in Saudi Arabia and Kenya, she came, as a teenager, under the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood. She was never a terrorist; she didn’t engage in violence. But she sympathized with those who did:

    When Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran called for the writer Salman Rushdie to die after he published The Satanic Verses, I didn't ask if this was right or what it had to do with me as an expatriate Somali in Kenya. I simply agreed. Everyone in my community believed that Rushdie had to die; after all, he had insulted the Prophet. My friends said it, my religious teachers said it, the Qur'an said it, and I said it and believed it...the appropriate punishment for his crime was death.

    But Miss Hirsi Ali didn't remain an Islamist. The watershed event was an arranged marriage to a Somali expat living in Canada. Her family put her on a plane to take her to her new life, but, since she did not want to marry the man, instead of changing planes in Germany as planned, she bolted. She made her way to the Netherlands where, exposed for the first time to Western values, she became a vocal critic of Islam in general and the Muslim treatment of women in particular. She collaborated with director Theo van Gogh (great grandnephew of Vincent van Gogh) on the short film Submission, which superimposed images of abused women with Quranic verses that justified the abuse. This earned the ire of Islamists for both Hirsi Ali and van Gogh; Muhammad Bouyeri, a Dutch Muslim of Moroccan descent, gunned van Gogh down in the street, slit his throat, and left a note pinned to his chest with a knife. In it, Bouyeri explained why van Gogh deserved to die—based on verses from the Quran. The note went on to include implied threats of death against “Mrs. Hirshi Ali” as well. In Heretic, Miss Hirsi Ali writes,

    I can certainly remember Dutch academics claiming that, behind his religious language, Bouyeri’s real motivation in wanting to kill me was socioeconomic deprivation or postmodern alienation. To me, however, when a murderer quotes the Qur’an in justification of his crime, we should at least discuss the possibility that he means what he says.

    Discuss it she does, and the conclusion she comes to is that Islam needs nothing less than a reformation on the scale of the one that shook Christianity five hundred years ago. Unlike Martin Luther, who nailed ninety-five theses to the door of the Wittenberg Castle Church, Miss Hirsi Ali has just five:

    Only when these five things are recognized as inherently harmful and when they are repudiated and nullified will a true Muslim Reformation be achieved. The five things to be reformed are:

    1. Muhammad’s semi-divine and infallible status along with the literalist reading of the Qur’an, particularly those parts that were revealed in Medina;
    2. The investment in life after death instead of life before death;
    3. Sharia, the body of legislation derived from the Qur’an, the hadith, and the rest of Islamic jurisprudence;
    4. The practice of empowering individuals to enforce Islamic law by commanding right and forbidding wrong;
    5. The imperative to wage jihad, or holy war.

    These five theses form the core of the book; there is a chapter dedicated to each. For me, the most interesting is the fourth; the chapter is called “Social Control Begins at Home.” Part of what interested me is that this topic, unlike the others, has received little attention elsewhere. The injunction to “enjoin good and forbid evil” appears numerous times in the Quran and it always struck me as a harmless platitude. But the reality is far more insidious. Miss Hirsi Ali shows from her own experience how it works in practice:

    When I was a teenage girl growing up in Nairobi, I wondered aloud in our house why the ritual prayers had to be said five times a day. Why not cut the number down to once a day? My half sister overheard me talking and almost immediately launched into hours of lectures, not just on that day but on many subsequent days, about my failures to perform my sacred duty as a Muslim. Nor did she confine herself to lecturing me. She also went about lobbying my extended family to have me “sent away” to be treated for “madness” because I had dared to ask a question about our faith and its practice.

    Miss Hirsi Ali finds this pattern of pious bullying repeated in many locales—in the Harvard classroom where Muslim students tried to shut her down during her seminars, in neighborhoods from Raqqa to London where vigilante Sharia police patrol the streets, and, most tragically, in the thousands of Muslim communities rocked by “honor killings” every year. She documents numerous cases, including the Arizona man who ran over his daughter with a Jeep—for wearing makeup and liking boys—and the Brooklyn man who beat his wife to death—for serving lentils instead of goat meat. Miss Hirsi Ali fills a dozen pages with such horrors; her conclusion:

    Taken together, commanding right and forbidding wrong are very effective means of silencing dissent. They act as a grassroots system of religious vigilantism. And their most zealous enforcers find in these words an excuse not just to command and to forbid but also to threaten, to beat, and to kill. I think of it as the totalitarianism of the hearth.

    The prospects of a Muslim Reformation don’t seem bright when we see these crimes daily on our TV and computer screens. Nevertheless, Miss Hirsi Ali is optimistic. “The best evidence that a Muslim Reformation is actually under way,” she writes, “is the growing number of active dissidents and reformers around the world.” In an Appendix, she cites dozens of such people, and thereby answers the oft-asked question, “Where are the moderate Muslims?” She concludes by urging her readers to open their eyes to the true nature of Islam, and to support those brave souls who have dedicated their lives to changing it, so that some day, in the not-too-distant future, Islam might join Christianity and Judaism as a religion of peace.

    Michael Isenberg writes about the Muslim world, medieval and modern. For his own take on the relationship between Jihadis and Islam, see his talk The Islamic in Islamic State on YouTube.

    Wednesday, September 2, 2015

    Putting the Birmingham Quran into Perspective

    Birmingham Quran fits

    The world of Islamic scholarship was jolted in recent weeks by the age of the parchment from an early Quran fragment. The pages had been sitting in a University of Birmingham library for almost a hundred years, and only recently piqued the curiosity of scholars. According to radio carbon dating, the parchment was made between 568 and 645 AD. This is a potentially significant finding because according to Muslim tradition,

  • Muhammad was not born until 570.
  • The revelation of the Quran to Muhammad did not begin until 610.
  • The reign of the Caliph Uthman, during which the Quran was organized and canonized, did not begin until 644.

    This timeline shows how it all fits together:

    How the dates of the Birmingham Quran fits into early Islamic history.

    Some conservative writers, Pamela Geller, for instance, have noted that the finding “challenges Islam’s origins.” Certainly if parts of the Quran existed before the traditional date for the revelation of the Quran to Muhammad, or even before Muhammad was born, that would shake the roots of Islam and cast aspersions on Muhammad’s claim of divine revelation. While that's consistent with the radio carbon dating results, it is by no means certain. It’s only one of several possible conclusions that can be drawn. Others include,

  • The age of the parchment is at the later end of the range, closer to 645, after the period of revelation and consistent with the traditional narrative.
  • The organization and canonization of the Quran began earlier than the reign of Uthman. This would strengthen the authenticity of the Quran, in that it resembled its final form closer to Muhammad’s lifetime.
  • The text is much more recent than the parchment itself. There’s much to be said for this theory. According to the New York Times,

    Saud al-Sarhan, the director of research at the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, said he doubted that the manuscript found in Birmingham was as old as the researchers claimed, noting that its Arabic script included dots and separated chapters—features that were introduced later. He also said that dating the skin on which the text was written did not prove when it was written. Manuscript skins were sometimes washed clean and reused later, he said.

    I hope we'll hear more about the Birmingham Quran in the months to come. It would be interesting to see if there are other tests that could be applied to determine whether the parchment was reused or the ink was from a later date.

    Michael Isenberg is the author of Full Asylum, a novel about politics, freedom, and hospital gowns. Check it out on Amazon.com.